Those who a priori define the city in negative terms fail to look for ways in which the city may favorably affect the in-migrant. For example, Lewis (47) and Butterworth (48), among others, have found that migration to the large city can result in a much greater feeling of personal freedom than was true in rural environments. The gossiping and constant surveillance that serve to maintain social control in small communities are not as pervasive in the city and therefore not as oppressive. Bossism and various forms of terrorism still to be found in villages certainly involve primary or face-to-face relations, but those who are the recipients of real or threatened violence are only too willing to flee to the "impersonality" of the large city. Inkeles (50, p. 224), on the basis of large-scale study involving six countries (Argentina, Chile, India, Israel, Nigeria, and East Pakistan), recently concluded "the theory which identifies contact with modernizing institutions and geographical and social mobility as certainly deleterious to psychic adjustment is not supported by the evidence."
The political dimensions of migrant adaptation can only be touched upon here.* Cornelius (9) takes a position similar to the one presented in this paper. In an up-to-date and thorough review of the literature he is able to demonstrate that the picture presented of urban migration by "developmental theorists and Latin Americanists" bears little relation to that of authors of "empirically-based studies." He first listed six constellations of attitudes and behavior predicted by the "theorists" to be a consequence of cityward migration:
1. felt deprivation, frustration of socioeconomic expectations;
2. personal and/or social disorganization, maladjustment, primary group breakdown;
3. alienation, nonsupportive legitimacy orientations;
4. increased politicization, demand-creation;
5. mass availability, atomization of social relations, reintegration need; and
6. political radicalization, support for, or participation in, disruptive political activity.
Then he reviewed four dozen empirical studies conducted in eleven countries in terms of these six theoretical expectations. None of the six were substantially confirmed; each had some supporting evidence but always involved a small minority. The theory and the evidence simply did not agree.
The re-examination of old beliefs about the city is proceeding on several fronts. In Latin America social anthropologists, such as Mangin (51) and Leeds (52), and urban planners, such as Turner (53), recently have mounted a
empirical research. The widespread acceptance of these ideal-type constructs as generalizations, without benefit of adequate research, well illustrates the dangers of catchy neologisms which often get confused with knowledge."
*See also Myron Weincr, "Political Demography: an Inquiry into the Political Conse-or a number of large cities their presence has had a considerable impact upon the opportunity structure of both natives and internal migrants.st are those from farm backgrounds. They are the group who must make the (rreatest adjustment in stvlp. of livino nnH tVip.rpfnrp nrp nrp«nmali1\/ m^et inhe predominantly male rural-urban migration, in the multilingual character of the society, in the existence of polygamy, and